"ECB watching"
ECB reports since 2021 - for access, email [email protected]
I'm a political and monetary-policy analyst, writer and podcast host. As a journalist-turned-analyst, I've been covering the EU and its markets for three decades.
In 1995, I was on the team that launched European Voice (acquired, rebranded and expanded as Politico Europe in 2015) with a beat covering economics, the transition to the euro, business, and trade. In 2002, I joined Medley Advisors as their “ECB watcher” and EU analyst, predicting policy responses to the 2008-13 financial crisis, the 2015 Greek and 2018 Italian political crises, Brexit, the coronavirus pandemic, and the Ukraine war.
Outside Medley, I write and podcast on Europe at twentyfourtwo.substack.com.
Twitter: @timjgwynnjones
Bluesky: @timgwynnjones.bsky.social
Contact: [email protected]
ECB reports since 2021 - for access, email [email protected]
Predictable as it was, Niall Ferguson’s almost-support for a Donald Trump victory in Tuesday’s US presidential election is still crushingly disappointing to this fan of his approach to history.
More than any other global institution, the US Federal Reserve’s decisions and communications drive capital markets and alter financial conditions everywhere from Seattle to Seoul. In this podcast series, I talk to authors of books about the Fed's most influential Chairs, starting with Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker.
Born out of a world war, the European communities/union grew through successive crises. In this series, I talk to behind-the-scenes officials who were In The Room as Europe evolved from a club of nations into a union.
Emmanuel Macron’s presidency is over. He still commands the armed forces – although not their budget – and is France’s chief diplomat, but his seven-year rule ended even before the results of the two-round legislative election came in.
Like the Walloons, we could apply a watertight cordon sanitaire to keep them out of public life but that’s never worked outside Wallonia. Besides, who gets to decide what is and isn’t a political programme fit for media or parliament? Majoritarian systems like the US and UK are more vulnerable to unconstrained authoritarianism but, in pure or partial proportional systems, cursing extremists with governing beats turning them into martyrs.
Revolutions have four symptomatic stages, wrote historian Crane Brinton – the Doctor House of social upheaval. Stage one is incubation, followed by moderation, crisis, and (a more or less healthy) recovery.
I wrote a lot of copy for European Voice (most of it from 1995-2000 - and some of it pretty good) that Politico has inexplicably archived.